By Angus McDowall in Tehran
Published: 03 January 2006
A series of computer-animated adverts is reviving the image of Iran 's police force and reaching out to the huge population of young people. The adverts started four years ago, concentrating on driving offences, but with new ones covering drugs, loud music and neighbourhood watch, they have acquired a cult following.
They are so popular that T-shirts and posters with the faces of prominent characters are being sold in Tehran 's rambling bazaar, and a series of toys have been planned. The creator, the cartoonist Bahram Azimi, says they have even proved a success in Dubai and Iraq after being translated into Arabic.
With satirical takes on trendy young men experimenting with ecstasy pills and lowlife robbers casing a house, the humorous adverts have a become a must-see for viewers more used to dour religious sermons.
One pair of buffoons who feature prominently drive around pumping dance music from their small silver Peugeot, the wheels of choice for middle-class Tehrani young people. Their fashionably-trimmed sideburns, goatee beards and use of slang make them instantly recognisable.
At a party one of them takes ecstasy and collapses. He ends up on a stretcher while his friend sits next to him wailing: "What will I tell your mother?" Ecstasy use has risen in Iran , which already suffers from widespread heroin addiction. During the election, many people said they thought drug use among the young was one of the main problems the new government must address.
The adverts pay tribute to popular film genres too. In one, a man peeps through the blinds, a harsh ray of sunlight cutting across his face. In the street he can see two villains in a battered car watching the house. As he twirls, a phone to his ear, the theme tune to The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly makes him a virtual hero, facing down the bad guys with his call to the police.
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad recently demanded the end of "decadent" Western music being played by state broadcasters. But these cartoons and other programmes show that the regime understands the limitations of fighting a cultural battle against what it calls "Westoxification."
At the end of each advert, a handsome policeman turns to the camera and gives a pep talk. His clean-cut image is in line with that promoted by Mohammed Baqer Qalibaf, the chief of police since 1999.
Mr Azimi says the police wanted him to show realistic, bad-mouthed characters, but he sometimes needed to convince them to go further. "They didn't really like our use of pop music at first, but we persuaded them that you needed that kind of music in the adverts or they would seem phoney."
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By Angus McDowall in Tehran
Published: 25 April 2006
For a man who meets the press so rarely, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is anything but media shy.
At a press conference for foreign journalists yesterday, only his third since winning Iran 's election last June, the Iranian President basked in the attention, grinning at the banks of photographers, swapping banter with reporters and eventually arguing with the local press over who should be allowed to answer questions.
He was sitting in front of a surreal backdrop, which showed a child's outstretched hand ending in a divine white glow from which fluttered several doves, set against a photograph of a huge pro-regime demonstration in Tehran . It was not clear if the glow was meant to signify world peace or the beneficence of nuclear technology.
Just days before Friday's UN Security Council deadline expires for Iran to end its uranium enrichment programme or face possible sanctions, the firebrand President was in expansive and defiant mood. He said Iran was not frightened of sanctions, threatened to quit the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and insisted Tehran would not make any concessions on its programme that could eventually result in the production of a nuclear weapon.
When a reporter for a US network asked if there were any concessions that would make Iran consider halting its uranium enrichment, he laughed and replied: "What concession could the international community make that would make your country give up its sovereignty?"
The theme of Western double standards played prominently in Mr Ahmadinejad's comments, particularly when he spoke about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His comments appeared to be aimed at Muslims around the world, whom he has courted assiduously during his nine months in power with strongly worded attacks on Israel and support for the Palestinians.
"At the time of the Second World War, anti-Semitism was rife in Europe ," he said. "If you support the Jews, what was that all about? You made Europe unsafe for the Jews and they sought sanctuary in Palestine . Now they live in a land that does not belong to them."
Mr Ahmadinejad has drawn fierce criticism in the West for comments last October that cast doubt on the Holocaust and for saying that Israel should be "wiped off the map". Yesterday, he said: "We say that this fake regime [ Israel ] cannot logically continue to live."
He also addressed himself directly to the people of Germany and Austria , saying that they too were the victims of a historical injustice. "German people today are still making amends for a war they had no part of," he said. "Three generations later, what have the German people done to deserve this?"
German politicians have demanded that Iran be barred from playing in the World Cup in Germany this summer as a punishment for Mr Ahmadinejad's earlier comments about the Holocaust. Iran 's first game will be played in Nuremberg .
Israel - which is the only Middle Eastern state to possess nuclear weapons - reacted strongly to Mr Ahmadinejad's comments. Without naming him, President Moshe Katsav said yesterday on the country's annual Holocaust memorial day: "I call on the Western world not to stand silently in the face of the nations that are trying to acquire nuclear weapons and preach for the destruction of the state of Israel ."
The Israeli Defence Minister, Shaul Mofaz, said: "Of all the threats we face, Iran is the biggest. The world must not wait. It must do everything necessary on a diplomatic level in order to stop its nuclear activity ... Since Hitler we have not faced such a threat."
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By Angus McDowall in Qom
Published: 29 April 2006
Qom , the spiritual capital of the Islamic Republic of Iran, feels like the centre of some vast, international conglomerate, administered entirely by clerics in the corporate uniform of turban and long robe.
Outside each seminary school is a long line of mopeds. Qom has long set the ideological mood for Iran - even the reformist movement was conceived here by liberal mullahs working among the city's concrete minarets and onion domes. On city radio, a quiz show host interrogates listeners about the Shia imams.
These days the mood is a throwback to the early years of the revolution. Arch-conservatives are again on the rise, their torch carried aloft by the Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who secured an election victory last summer wrapped in the flag and professing the pious homilies of the people's man. And at the heart of this revolutionary city, there is one conservative ayatollah who has benefited from Mr Ahmadinejad's victory more than almost anybody else. He may even be positioning himself as a contender for the ultimate prize - the supreme leadership of the country.
With the reptilian nickname "Professor Crocodile", Ayatollah Mohammed Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi is seen as the real ideological force behind the president. His long face and white beard - and the fact that his name rhymes with crocodile in Farsi - gave rise to his nickname, coined by a cartoonist who was later imprisoned. He has sometimes been referred to by Iranian reformists as "the theoretician of violence".
"[When] things go out of government control and Islam is jeopardised, there is no way but using violence," he said a few months after the 1999 student demonstrations when members of the Basij militia attacked a dormitory, killing at least one student and badly beating many others. Liberals fear his rise spells the end of the tentative steps towards reform taken over the past nine years.
"For Mesbah-Yazdi and the President, democracy and republicanism are not important," said a senior liberal cleric in Qom . "They think legitimacy only comes from God. That doesn't bode well for our future.
"Mr Mesbah-Yazdi is a supporter of Tehran 's tough line on the nuclear issue. Last year, he praised the nuclear negotiators for making "the adversaries of the Islamic republic retreat from their position".
He also believes in a draconian interpretation of Islamic law and supports suicide attacks against Israeli civilians. In a lecture published on his website, the cleric endorsed Palestinian suicide attacks, saying "when protecting Islam and the Muslim community depends on martyrdom operations, it is not only allowed, but even is an obligation".
Even civilians who have "announced their opposition to their government's vicious crimes" are legitimate targets if they stand between the martyr and the forces of occupation, he said.
The ayatollah's relationship with the President is fuzzy but there is no doubt they enjoy strong mutual respect. Mr Mesbah-Yazdi was the only cleric to openly support Mr Ahmadinejad's election campaign last year. And the rumour mill in Qom says that one of the cleric's key aides has been appointed spiritual adviser to the President.
Mr Mesbah-Yazdi heads the Imam Khomeini Research Institute, the most hardline of Qom 's seminaries. The centre teaches traditional subjects such as law and philosophy as well as modern disciplines such as sociology and management.
Later this year, with the election of the Assembly of Experts, a body of senior clerics who have the power to appoint the Supreme Leader, the 71-year-old Mr Mesbah-Yazdi could become more influential than ever. Reformists in Qom say "Professor Crocodile" hopes to bring about the election of political allies who could force the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to become more conservative. Some fear Mr Mesbah-Yazdi aspires to become Supreme Leader himself.
"In the Assembly of Experts, things may move in a direction where those who were not exactly enthusiastic about the revolution may take the initiative," said the former president Mohammed Khatami. "That is dangerous."
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By Angus McDowall in Tehran
Published: 22 May 2006
When Ciamak Morsathegh chose to take up a position as the medical boss of Sapir hospital, he did not regret the "big opportunities" he was giving up in an already high-flying career. "This hospital is part of our identity as Jews," he says. "It is the practical point of interaction between us and non-Jews in Iran . We help anybody. We don't ask them their religion."
The pictures on opposite walls in Dr Morsathegh's office tell their own story. The stern features of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, father figure of Iran 's Islamic revolution, glower down from above the desk, as they do in almost every office in the country. Facing the desk is a painting of Moses, Aaron, and a tablet bearing the Ten Commandments.
At more than 20,000, Iran remains home to the largest Jewish community in the Middle East outside Israel , despite post-revolutionary emigration that saw tens of thousands leave. Those who remain say emigration has slowed and those who have stayed are unlikely to change their minds.
Sapir Hospital is a venerable institution of Iranian Jewish life. Founded 60 years ago as a charitable body, it provides free and heavily subsidised care for people in its working class neighbourhood. In some ways, it continues a medical tradition in which Jewish physicians have been celebrated in Iran for centuries. Only a few staff are Jews - most Jewish doctors in Tehran run their own practices - but it is funded by Jewish donations.
Now, Iranian Jews are worried and angered by their President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's denial of the Holocaust. Haroun Yashayaie, head of Tehran 's Jewish Committee, wrote to him in February, saying his comments caused "fear" in his community.
"It worried us, it was disrespectful," said a woman who did not want to be named. "Everyone knows six million Jews were killed and burnt but the President denies this. How does he know if something happened or not?"
The fact that she did not want to be named shows the tightrope on which minorities walk in Iran . Jews, Zoroastrians and Christians have rights and limitations enshrined in the constitution. They each elect their own member of parliament and are entitled to worship freely but not to proselytise. They are not bound by Muslim dietary proscriptions and can make, but not sell, alcohol. Iranian Jews talk of repeating patterns of discrimination - the difficulty of securing a government job and anti-Semitism in state media - but say they do not face active hostility.
"Everyone thinks the Islamic republic is killing us, but this is wrong," Dr Morsathegh insists. "As a minority we have some problems, but they are not as bad as people outside the country think. We can live here, study here, work here."
It is early morning in Yusuf Abad, an old middle-class neighbourhood home to many of Tehran 's Jewish families, and as the city stirs itself awake a low chanting pervades the mulberry-lined street. It is a weekday and the synagogue has attracted few worshippers. About 40 men, all in skull caps and the traditional tallit shawl, read from the Torah as the rabbi gently intones from a dais. These, or similar, words have been recited every morning in Iran since about 700BC.
Since the revolution, synagogue attendances have soared. Jews say this is in part because of the more religious atmosphere propagated by the Islamic republic and partly because minorities have drawn in upon themselves. "Before the revolution people were less religious and mixed more between faiths," a customer in a kosher butcher said. "Friendships with Muslims happen but they are more difficult. Things aren't how they used to be."
In 1998, 10 Jews from Shiraz , home to the second largest Jewish community in Iran , were imprisoned for spying for Israel . Analysts said the arrests were intended to sabotage the growing rapprochement between a then-reformist government and the West. The last were freed in 2003, but the trial demonstrated the vulnerability of Jews and lingering Muslim suspicions that they represent a fifth column for foreign powers.
"This President has shown his extremism in all respects," the man in the butcher's said. "Some people think it doesn't apply to them because he's talking about Jews outside Iran . But a Jew is always a Jew."
Iranian Jews have learnt the hard way that they must publicly renounce any connection to Israel or Zionism. In the first days after the revolution, several Jews were executed on charges of Zionism and relations with Israel . Since then, spokesmen for the community have protested their antipathy to Israel .
Most of those spoken to professed their fundamentally Iranian nature, something they say would make it difficult for them to live as émigrés abroad. "Iranian Jews have been good Iranians for 2,700 years," Dr Morsatheghi says. "I can speak in English, but I only think in Persian. This is my language and my native culture. I'm not going to leave."
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Iranian woman awaits death by stoning decision
Thursday August 3, 2006
By Angus McDowall
TEHRAN - The chief of Iran's judiciary will decide in the coming days whether to have a woman stoned to death for adultery in a case which has outraged human rights activists around the world.
Ashraf Kalhori was sentenced to the punishment in 2002 after being convicted of having affair with her neighbour and conspiring with him to kill her husband.
Judiciary head Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi declared a moratorium on stoning in December 2002, but it remains on the statute books and his decision could be reversed at any time.
Mrs Kalhori was taken from her prison cell last month and told by a special verdicts court that she would be executed within 15 days.
After protests from her lawyer and international rights groups, Ayatollah Shahroudi is reviewing her case.
Shadi Sadr, a renowned human rights lawyer representing Mrs Kalhouri, says she is optimistic, but the case demonstrates the psychological torture endured by women who face the penalty.
At least eight other women in Iran were sentenced before the moratorium was called.
There are also unconfirmed reports that a couple were stoned to death by revolutionary guardsmen in a cemetery in the eastern city of Mashhad last May.
"We are campaigning to make Shahroudi's moratorium actually enacted in law," Mrs Sadr said.
"While the law remains unchanged, cases of stoning can happen anywhere in the country despite Shahoudi's order because the head of the judiciary is not above the law."
She points to irregularities in the trial and sentencing which could help Mrs Kalhori's case.
Under sharia law, elements of which are incorporated into Iran 's judicial code, an adulterer must confess four times in court.
Mrs Kalhori confessed only once under police interrogation and later recanted.
According to Mrs Sadr, Mrs Kalhori is a very religious woman, often fasting and praying.
In the notorious Evin prison on the mountainous slopes of north Tehran she has been made responsible for distributing prayer stones among the other women prisoners.
"She is distraught because she hasn't seen her four children since she was taken to prison," says Mrs Sadr.
"She told me: 'My children are now growing up with hatred and disgust for their mother.'"
Mrs Kalhori's husband Akbar Estiri was slain in April 2002 after quarrelling with their neighbour, Mahmoud Mirzaei.
She says the killing was accidental but police say she was having an affair with Mr Mirzaei and encouraged him to kill her husband.
The sentence of stoning is for adultery, but she was also given a 15-year prison stretch for her alleged part in the murder.
Mrs Sadr says that if the stoning verdict is upheld it should not be implemented until after her prison term.
Mr Mirzaei received 100 lashes instead of stoning for his adultery because he was unmarried, but was sentenced to death for the murder itself.
However, this cannot be carried out for another nine years when the youngest of the Kalhori children turns 18 and can decide to take blood money instead.
Human rights groups also say that issues such as stoning can divert attention from more widespread abuses for political crimes.
Last week a student leader Akbar Mohammedi died after going on hunger strike in Evin prison.
Liberal academic Ramin Jahanbegloo has been held without trial for several months.
Rights groups say the incidence of such cases has increased sharply since the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad because officials feel more confident of imposing draconian sentences without government interference.
They also point to an apparent strategy aimed at countering political opposition by relaxing social rules while cracking down on political dissent.
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Lover loses appeal: Footballer's WAG Iranian style
This is no tale of shopping excess or wild drinking, but the saga of the mistress of one of Tehran's most famous players. She is facing execution for the murder of his wife. By Angus McDowall
Published: 28 September 2006
A young woman in a black chador and dark lipstick answers brashly back at the judge, pouting, smirking and gesticulating as if she is dealing with a cheating taxi driver. The officials and photographers in court laugh at her boldness, but with a frisson of fear because Shahla, the former mistress of one of Iran's best known footballers, stands accused of murdering the man's wife and faces death by hanging.
It was the court case that transfixed a nation: the star centre forward, the mistress, the murdered wife and a seedy underworld of temporary marriage, drugs, jealousy and celebrity. Iran's tabloid press went wild, while the sober religious commentators of state television pronounced on the tragedy with sanctimonious brio.
Now Shahla - as Nasser Mohammed Khani's mistress and temporary wife is known - could face imminent execution after her appeal failed. And just as Amnesty International last week protested against the supreme court ruling that she must go to the scaffold, Iran's censors have banned a new documentary.
Shahla, whose full name is Khadijeh Jahed, stands convicted of the 2002 stabbing of Mr Khani's first and permanent wife Laleh Saharkhizan. The original 2004 trial captivated Iran with its cocktail of tearful confessions, spirited denials, anguished pledges of eternal love, admissions of betrayal and pleas for mercy. At the centre of it all stood Shahla, a sassy but tragic figure, one minute haranguing the judge, the next flirting with him and all the time playing to a riveted gallery. Documentary footage of her trial veers between the public vulgarity of The Jerry Springer Show and high opera of Carmen.
Mr Khani sat a few seats from Shahla with his murdered wife's mother, wearing a new and very pious beard. At times he buried his head in his hands, at others he stared impassively. He had chosen his role as a weak man but devoted husband of a wrongfully murdered woman. And as he followed his mother-in-law to the podium to request a sentence of death, Shahla smiled and sarcastically applauded.
"If you want to kill me go ahead," she told the judge, smiling innocently after a particularly bruising exchange. "It looks like you're sitting here with a sword as if we're in a duel. Excuse me for my boldness because I like you. I confess I really do." The judge stroked his chin with a bemused air of helplessness. She later told him: "In your sleep you don't want to see Shahla's wandering soul." The celebrity scandal sheets, sold by street children at traffic lights across Tehran, were entranced. Not quite pretty enough to be a cover girl, the case's notoriety, her lover's fame and Shahla's charisma propelled her to stardom. "Shahla: I am Laleh's murderer" screamed one headline. "Shahla: I'm no psycho" thundered another. "My mistress murdered my wife" was Mr Khani's plea.
But even in court, most of Shahla's comments seemed directed at her former lover, rather than the judge. "I'd get up in the middle of the night and miss Nasser," she said, explaining why she recorded thousands of calls, many as late as 2am to Mr Khani's marital home. "Even if he went to the toilet I missed him."
Mr Khani was initially suspected of complicity and held for several months. Eventually he was convicted only of smoking opium, which Shahla had bought for him, recording the purchases in her diary as "bags of rice". For this he received the lash.
Their affair began in 1998, with Shahla a besotted fan and Mr Khani the veteran star. The striker had risen to fame in the mid 1980s, wowing crowds with his lethal left foot while Iranian troops were locked in bitter conflict with Saddam Hussein's Iraq. He played for the national side as well as Iran's biggest team, Persepolis Tehran, which he later coached. "He was Mr Goal," said Shahla when she described how she fell in love. "He wasn't very good looking, but he was attractive somehow."
He soon set her up in a secret love nest and they unofficially contracted a sigheh - a temporary marriage. Under Shia law, this allows a marriage with a time limit, sometimes as short as an hour or two. Critics, particularly Sunni Muslims, condemn the institution as legalised prostitution. In fact, sigheh was set up as a safety valve recognising human weakness within the confines of a strict religious society and making provision for children born out of marriage.
Home videos from the four-year affair were used extensively alongside trial footage in Red Card, the banned documentary about the case made by Mahnaz Afzali. After Persepolis won the league in 2002, a beaming Mr Khani is welcomed into their expensive apartment by Shahla. "What does it feel like to be a champion?" she asks him. "I'm so happy dear," he replies. And Shahla answers: "I prayed for you - let me see you my love, my darling."
There is a dangerous edge to her passion, with furtive looks directed from the dock, which Mr Khani tried to ignore. Instead of giving her final defence, she chose to read a poem to the footballer, a few lines of sentimental doggerel about love, prison and death. Ms Afzali, who interviewed Shahla for her film and still speaks with her regularly from Evin prison, said she was obsessed with him. "It is the cliché of a poor girl who falls in love with a celebrity," she said.
For his part, Mr Khani seemed content to play the role of the spoilt celebrity, lapping up attention, boasting about ostentatious purchases and sloughing off responsibility for the disaster that followed. He seems resentful that the public think badly of him. "During a whole year I never got a yellow or a red card," he tells Ms Afzali in an interview. "Be in my place, be Nasser Mohammed Khani and then judge me."
His posthumous idolisation of his wife stands in bitter contrast to his treatment of her in life. "You cannot compare my wife to Shahla," he says. "She loved me with all her heart, but Shahla's love was just lust." He later says they had a "telepathic understanding" but in a tape recording, the dead woman complains about how little she sees of him.
The details of the murder are very sketchy, and Shahla was convicted on her own confession, which she later tried to retract. A police video shows her reconstructing the crime, explaining where Laleh lay reading a newspaper in bed, and using a wooden spoon to demonstrate how she stabbed her. She said she was not tortured, but was put under pressure to confess. "Even roosters lay eggs under police interrogation," she said. But she refused to explain how she told police where to find a blood stain that had previously eluded them. After the trial another judge said he believed there were genuine doubts over the conviction, with new evidence pointing to a sexual assault. But he said this was not enough to override a confession.
When the reconstruction and confession were shown in court, the victim's mother Sakineh Saharkhizan collapsed in hysterics. "Oh God, God damn you!" she screamed, rocking back and forth. "May God's rage fall upon you. She killed my girl." On the screen Shahla was crying and saying: "Forgive me, forgive me. I brought water and washed her hands. She kept asking me for mercy." On the final day of the trial, Shahla told another story. She said she had been lured to the house late at night and climbed the stairs to the bedroom. She saw Laleh's clothes lying scattered everywhere and then she saw the body. "I went there and saw the corpse," she said, wailing with emotion and addressing herself to Mr Khani. "I put a cover on it, I felt sick. My hands got bloody. I didn't kill her, I swear I didn't. What was my sin in loving you?"
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Cartoons mocking Holocaust prove a flop with Iranians
By Angus McDowall in Tehran
Published: 14 September 2006
An exhibition of cartoons about the Holocaust, some suggesting it was fabricated or exaggerated, has been a flop in Tehran. It drew audiences of fewer than 300 a day in its first week and now, three weeks after sparking international furore when it opened, attracts just 50 people a day.
Most of those approached in central Tehran said they had not heard of the exhibition and insisted the slaughter of six million Jews by the Nazis was a historical fact. "I'm sure the Holocaust was true - I've heard all about it from newspapers and television," said a housewife from a religious family. "I don't know why some say it didn't happen."
Shahram Rezaei, an Iranian cartoonist, drew Nazi soldiers laying a paper chain in a mass grave, implying that they were faking the deaths of Jews.
Some depictions drew heavily upon anti-Semitic stereotypes. Others accep-ted the Holocaust happened, but said it was being used to justify Western brutality in the Middle East. An entry byAlessandro Gatto, an Italian, showed an Arab looking forlornly from behind prison bars, which morphed into the stripes of a concentration camp jacket. Others focused on the suffering of Palestinians.
Thousands of foreigners have visited the exhibition's website at www.irancartoon.com, some of them engaging in angry debate. A conference on the Holocaust is planned in Tehran for October. It is also likely to garner more attention outside Iran than in the country.
The exhibition followed a Holocaust cartoon competition designed to show Western double standards in freedom of speech. The angry response of Westerners to President Ahmadinejad's Holocaust denial this spring caught many Iranians off guard, while Danish cartoons lampooning the Prophet Mohamed provoked outrage in the Muslim world.
A Moroccan entry by Hossein Abed showed Death riding a skeletal horse, clutching a pencil and sporting a Nazi armband. His cloak was made of the Danish flag. Another drawing showed an orthodox Jew pressing the face of another man into a lake labelled "freedom of expression". The Jew held a placard saying "Mohamed cartoon" and the drowning man held a sign saying "Holocaust". Iran's Jewish community had a mixed reaction. "Iranian Jews didn't pay much attention," said Haroun Yashayaie, the former head of Tehran's Jewish community. "Iranians as a whole are not very sensitive to the issue of the Holocaust."
But a Jewish student said: "This regime is crazy. Everybody knows the Holocaust happened. Over the past year things have become more difficult and this exhibition shows they do not care what we think."
The cartoons included US, European, Brazilian, Korean and Chinese entries. However, the US cartoonist David Baldinger said that his drawing "in no way ridiculed the Holocaust".
The UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, condemned the exhibition when he visited Iran at the beginning of the month. He said the Holocaust was "undeniable". Iranian newspapers responded by playing on his supposed friendship with an Israeli cartoonist.
Officials said that the exhibition championed freedom of speech, but yesterday they closed Iran's most popular reformist newspaper. One alleged offence was its publication of a cartoon which appeared to show President Ahmadinejad as a donkey.
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